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Political
corruption is a global problem, posing a threat to economic growth,
democracy, and political stability in wealthy and poor countries alike.
Developing countries and those undergoing a transition from authoritarian
rule to democracy, however, are particularly at risk. In
Asia,
where some countries are still recovering from the economic crisis,
political corruption has had a devastating impact on the public’s confidence
in political and economic institutions.
During the
past few years, corruption scandals have shaken several Asian countries at
the highest levels, helping to topple and destabilize governments. In the
Philippines, President Joseph Estrada was recently forced from office
following allegations of corruption. The Pakistani military justified its
1999 coup d’état on the grounds of rampant corruption within the
civilian government. In
Indonesia,
corruption allegations led to the downfall of President Suharto and later,
President Abdurrahman Wahid. Many of the results in the last parliamentary
elections in Thailand were nullified due to widespread electoral fraud and
vote buying, and the Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra was indicted by
the National Counter Corruption Commission for falsely declaring his assets.
Even in wealthier and more stable democracies, such as Japan, South Korea,
and Taiwan, the tremendous influence of money in the political and electoral
process has eroded public confidence in government institutions and has
undermined the foundations of the democratic system.
Throughout
Asia, entrenched corruption has led to public disillusionment in many
institutions, but political parties have especially become a target of
criticism. Too often, distrust in parties and their leaders on the issue of
reform has been justified. Parties have demonstrated little intent in
stamping out corruption, promoting accountable governance, and advocating
greater transparency in the political system. In particular, the internal
practices of parties, specifically regarding fundraising and campaigning,
have been criticized. Although there are examples of transparent,
policy-oriented parties, in many countries parties also participate in
corrupt and illegal activities. As in countries throughout the world,
electoral competition requires parties in Asia to raise large amounts of
money to raise in order to finance their campaigns, and fundraising
practices often circumvent or violate the laws. Also like parties elsewhere,
Asian political parties frequently build support through patronage networks,
rather than through issue-oriented platforms based on the interests and
needs of citizens. Many parties are opaque in their internal operations and
undemocratic in their decision-making.
If political
parties’ internal practices and procedures are undemocratic and marred by
corruption, then national efforts to eradicate corruption and promote good
governance will be difficult to achieve. Political parties in Asia, as in
the rest of the world, remain a vital ingredient in the democratic process.
Democracies rely on parties to offer the electorate choices among competing
candidates and alternative policies at election time, and parties are
intended to serve the important role of aggregating diffuse social
interests. After elections, parties determine and organize the government,
and serve as the principle vehicle for placing issues on the public agenda.
It will be political parties, acting through the executive and legislative
process, that the public must rely upon to design reform measures and
oversee their enforcement.
The political
will to reform within parties is needed if parties are to play an effective
role in national reform efforts. Furthermore, there must be greater public
confidence in political parties’ ability to act as agents for change.
Despite their obvious shortcomings, parties cannot be viewed merely as part
of the problem. They must also be viewed as part of the cure. In addition,
whether motivated by a principled commitment to the ideas of good
governance, or by more practical considerations of political survival and
electoral appeal, reform ranks highly on the agenda of almost every
political leader. Concrete steps must now be taken by the parties to earn
the public’s trust by ensuring that the rhetoric of political leaders is
supported by meaningful action.
At regional
and global conferences and forums, experts have increasingly acknowledged
the role political parties must play in order to realize effective reform.
At the 10th international Anti-Corruption Conference (IACC) held
in Prague in October 2001, for example, closing speakers listed political
party accountability as one of the top three areas for suture action.
Despite this increased commitment to addressing political parties in
anti-corruption efforts, ironically, parties have still been largely left
out of the reform debate. Few programs, if any, have been developed to work
with parties, as organizations seem to prefer instead to promote policy
prescriptions, bureaucratic reform, independent watchdog bodies, and civil
society and media activities.
For these
reasons, in March 2001, the National Democratic institute for international
Affairs (NDI) and the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats (CALD), a
coalition of political parties in
Asia, launched a program in
Asia on
Political Party Strategies to Combat Corruption. Its purpose is to
support political parties in their efforts to implement internal reforms
through enhanced democracy, accountability, and transparency in party
structures and practices. In addition, the program explores the challenges
facing parties with respect to party financing, national legislation and
regulations, and evolving public expectations, and aims to help parties
participate in the formation of national reform initiatives.
In the first
stage of this program, NDI and CALD conducted research to identify existing
strategies and mechanism parties are employing to limit opportunities for
corruption, whether voluntarily adapted or mandated by external legislation.
This research took place in eight countries: Cambodia, Indonesia, Malaysia,
Nepal, Philippines, South Korea, Taiwan, and Thailand. NDI and CALD first
examined the external environment in which parties function, including the
country’s transition to democracy, current political climate, governance and
electoral systems, and problems with political corruption. In particular,
NDI and CALD studied the legislation and institutions governing political
parties, elections, and political finance.
Most
importantly, however, the research focused on internal political party
reform. The political parties in the study generously shared various
strategies they have used to promote greater internal democracy,
accountability, and transparency in their decision-making processes,
candidate and leadership selection, financial management and fund-raising
practices, and ethical criteria and disciplinary procedures. Parties
described reforms such as formulating codes of conduct, adopting mandatory
disclosure requirements, conducting financial audits, establishing
independent monitoring and disciplinary committees, implementing training
and ethical educational programs, and enacting term limits for party
leaders.
Following the
research, the program brought together 28 Asian political party
representatives in Bangkok in January 2002 to discuss their experiences in
democratic development and build upon the reform strategies identified in
the research. The workshop provided an opportunity for parties, in some
cases fierce political competitors, to at least temporarily lay aside
partisan interests and share perspectives on the common challenges they
confront. The parties represented some of the oldest in Asia, such as the
Kuomintang of Taiwan, as well as some of the newest, such as Kaedilan Party
of Malaysia. They also represented great diversity in their financial
conditions, ideologies, and levels of organizational development.
This book
presents the research findings, with the objective of providing comparative
information on party practices in order to aid party reform efforts. The
party strategies and practices described in this study emerged from a review
of party documents and discussions with party representatives, and the
accounts of party reform initiatives, therefore, largely reflect the
parties’ perspectives.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
I.
FORWORD
Corazon C. Aquino
II.
PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Kenneth Wollack and Peter M. Manikas
Iii.
introduction
Laura L. Thornton
IV.
cambodia
David Kovick and Laura L. Thornton
V.
INDONESIA
Peter M. Manikas and Dawn Emling
VI.
MALAYSIA
Laura L. Thornton
VII.
NEPAL
Mark Wallem and Ram Guragain
VIII.
PHILIPPINES
Celito Arlegue and John Joseph S. Coronel
IX.
SOUTH KOREA
Laura L. Thornton and David Kovick
X.
TAIWAN
David Kovick
XI.
THAILAND
Laura L. Thornton
XII.
CONTRIBUTORS
F
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