|
Speaking
Notes for Academic Conference on Liberal Perspectives
on Terrorism and Civil Liberties
23 June
2006, De La Salle University, Manila
Graham Watson MEP
Introduction
Terrorism is
not a new phenomenon. It has plagued humankind since some of
the earliest societies. We should not expect to solve it in
our generation. Nonetheless we have a duty to try.
Liberals are
sometimes derided for being soft. Yet Liberalism is not a
soft option. In our thinking, the first duty of the State is
to protect its citizens. They badly need protection from
current threats.
If I may take
one recent example:
No civilised
person could excuse the indiscriminate barbarity which
claimed the lives of 52 innocent civilians in London on the
morning of 7 July 2005. A city which - only the previous day
- had celebrated the plurality, diversity and tolerance
which persuaded the International Olympic Committee to award
it the 2012 Olympic Games.
In recent
years, terror attacks in every corner of the world - not
least here in the Philippines - have pulled policy makers
out of their post Cold-War slumber to confront one of the
greatest challenges of the early twenty-first century.
Ensuring both liberty and security.
Liberals and
Democrats welcome the drive to strengthen global security.
We are concerned, however, that policies should be measured,
proportionate and value-driven.
Too many,
governments have been too eager to exploit the fear factor
in this matter. In an age in which the concept of the
nation state is challenged, many have seen this as an
opportunity to re-assert its validity.
In the EU-context
that has taken a number of forms.
In Italy,
stop-and-search powers have been given to the armed forces.
In Germany,
police surveillance in public places has been stepped up.
In France, CCTV
cameras cover the public transport system.
In the country
I know best, recent HRs legislation has been radically
revised.
Any of these
measures may at times appear justifiable but, in a climate
of fear without proper democratic oversight and control, the
risk is that they foster insecurity and threaten to
undermine our civil liberties.
Others are
simply not defensible.
It is deeply
troubling when the tools of justice and public order violate
the European Charter of Human Rights and other well-defined
international standards.
Yet again and
again we see that the language of the war on terror leads to
the justice of Wyatt Earp and 'High Noon' - a point
illustrated by the tragic death of Brazilian Jean Charles de
Menezes at the hands of the UK authorities on 22 July 2005.
Or indeed the
current scandal involving extraordinary rendition of
detainees via the European Union for CIA interrogation and
deportation of third country nationals to countries where
they may face torture or worse.
The Liberal
Dilemma
The nub of our
dilemma is that the State is the main protector of both our
security and our liberty.
We do not agree
with Tony Blair when he said after 2005's London bombings
that the human rights of the victims are more important than
the human rights of the terrorists.
Human Rights,
Democracy and the Rule of Law form the basis of Liberal
Democratic ideology and Western Civilisation. And they are
indivisible.
Much as the
public may dislike it, suspected terrorists also have
rights.
They have the
right to a fair trial. They have the right to be
interrogated, not tortured, by the police. They have the
right to legal counsel and to representation in a court of
law. And, if convicted, they have the right to be imprisoned
in humane conditions.
To suspend
those values and invoke a form of summary justice would, in
the words of the lawyer Cherie Booth 'cheapen our right to
call ourselves a civilised society'.
It would be
particularly ill fitting for those of us who were teenagers
in democracies in the 1960s – sometimes called the 'freedom
generation' – to deny our children the standards of justice
for which our colleagues from all over the world
-particularly those here today from Asia and Africa- have
fought so bravely.
War on Terror
Undermines Western Values and Its Own Objectives
"The measure of
a civilisation, as Dostoyevsky once said, can be judged
simply by entering its prisons.
The White House
should reflect on what kind of civilisation it is exporting
when one of its senior officials - the deputy Assistant
Secretary of State for Public Diplomacy none the less - has
the crassness and disrespect for human life to classify
prison suicides as 'a good PR move'
The fate of the
3 men who took their own lives at Guantanamo this month
after four years in legal limbo symbolise all that is wrong
with the US response to terrorism today.
Just last week,
a survey of 17,000 people by the Pew Research Group revealed
that a majority of people in countries outside the US
believe:
-
the war in
Iraq has made the world a more dangerous place - including
60% in my own country - the UK - which is the US biggest
ally
-
The US-led
occupation of Iraq is more of a threat to world peace than
Iran's nuclear programme.
-
the US will
not achieve its goals in the "war on terror"
The likes of
Guantanamo and Abu Ghraib have simply perpetuated the
Occidentalist ideology of men like Bin Laden and recruited
an ever growing number of outraged, like-minded, individuals
to the fundamentalist cause.
For proof we
need look no further than Iraq, the focus of the war on
terror, which is now the world's biggest terrorist hotbed
and where the threat of civil war between Sunni and Shia
could further destabilise the Middle East.
A Liberal
Alternative
There must be
an alternative.
Liberals and
Democrats can not allow cherished ideals like democracy,
human rights and the rule of law to be tarred with the brush
of hypocrisy and abused for national self-interest.
That is why as
we must insist on the universal application of these ideals
to all human beings.
When the
Supreme Court rules at the end of this month on whether
Military Commissions are a legal means to try prisoners at
Guantanamo Bay prison camp we must demand - alongside the EU,
the UN, and Human Rights Groups around the world - that all
detainees be tried in internationally recognised courts of
law.
And that this
illegal detention facility be closed without further delay.
For the Liberal
reputation - indeed, our influence - rests on upholding
values like democracy, liberty and respect for human rights.
Freedom and
security are not alternatives but go hand in hand - the one
enabling the other.
As Thomas Paine
once warned: 'He who would make his own liberty secure must
guard even his enemy from oppression; for if he violates
this duty, he establishes a precedent that will reach to
himself'.
That is why my
colleagues and I in the European Parliament have been
campaigning to uphold Universal Human Rights in the
implementation of the EU's common foreign and security
policy and all Justice and Home Affairs initiatives linked
to the fight against terrorism.
Effective
provisions on data protection to accompany data retention
measures, for example, would overcome the understandable
fears of many colleagues that rights are being eroded.
A commitment to
properly debated and democratically determined legislation,
transparent policy-making and guaranteed rights, would
enhance the moral standing of Europe's response to terror.
While minimum
procedural guarantees for defendants in criminal trials for
the European Arrest Warrant - which have been held up by
Member States since 2001 are necessary for its just
implementation.
It was
Thucydides who said: "we should be praised for being more
just than our available power would normally imply"
I've spoken
about Europe where, as Chairman of the Justice and Home
Affairs committee, I had the honour to be involved in
crafting legislation.
Principles I've
outlined apply equally well elsewhere.
I am not saying
that the only consideration in fighting terror should be the
protection of civil liberties.
But an
intelligent attack on terror seeks to deal with
underlying causes. Liberals believe in conversation, not
conversion. Terrorists are educated, but they are young,
angry and vulnerable. They feel left out. Work provides
dignity, yet there is 35 % unemployment in some North
African countries.
Sects nurture
people and make them feel important. A civilised society
must do the same.
That is why I
salute the real Liberals in the Liberal Party of the
Philippines, who had the courage to pull out of the ruling
coalition when it abandoned Liberal principles in the war
against terror.
The answer to
the current approach to terror reminds me of the answer
given to puzzled philosophers by the supercomputer in
Douglas Adams' book "The hitchhikers' guide to the galaxy".
The computer says 'I think the problem is.... that you've
never actually known what the question is'.
The advocates
of the war on terror appear to have overlooked the matter of
identity. So terrified are they of the threats that America
faces, they are blind to the threats that America poses.
Perhaps when history comes to be written, Woodrow Wilson's
ideas of national self determination will be seen as more
powerful thank Karl Marx's idea of social class. Persistence
to rule by foreigners is why the most powerful nation on
earth is unable to control even a medium size city like
Fallujah.
Promoting
intercultural understanding and the concept of the
individual enjoying multiple layers of identity are
important. I am not a catholic, but I share my Scottish
identity with Scottish catholics and my Liberal identity
with catholic Filipino Liberals. Moslem, Jew, Budhist, Hindu
or Christian -or none of these- we share a human identity.
So, as Mark Twain said of Wagner's music, it's not as bad as
it sounds.
To ensure the
rule of law, we need our judicial and police authorities to
work together across borders. Given proper democratic
oversight and control of their activities and of
intelligence -led policing, we can make our world a safer
place. Existing laws will normally suffice in the fight
against terrorists. But in a world where a terrorist can be
half way across a continent before the policeman has his
boots on, existing practices do not. Much is being done at
EU level to ensure the co-operation and co-ordination
necessary to protect our citizens. On a wider canvass, all
democracies must work together, cognizant of the threat we
face but confident in the ability of the Liberal state to
tackle it. |